The power he actually held
Kyriakos Mitsotakis has been prime minister since 8 July 2019, interrupted only by the May–June 2023 caretaker. The Hellenic Parliament still writes statutes. Union funds still come with milestones. He owned the National Intelligence Service after Law 4622/2019 without owning every contractor who sold Predator.
That limit is the first fact. The second is that a wiretap, a rail collision, and a fiscal upgrade still move welfare. The live score has to read those instruments as they were enacted, not as a brand of “Greece is back”.
What went wrong, and what is proven
In July 2019 he placed EYP under the prime minister. In 2022 the Predator and wiretap file reached opposition leader Nikos Androulakis and journalists; his nephew-secretary Grigoris Dimitriadis and EYP chief Panagiotis Kontoleon resigned. He said he had not known. That is a completed integrity act, not a court finding that he ordered the implant. It still sits on personal-data-protection and institutional-corruption. A later surveillance bill was criticised by Human Rights Watch as thin on safeguards.
On 28 February 2023 two trains collided at Tempi; 57 people died. He first spoke of human error. Later audio and cargo questions produced a no-confidence vote his majority survived. A crash is a completed safety failure with a multi-year signalling lag, not a finding that he threw a switch. On 14 June 2023 the Adriana wrecked off Pylos with hundreds dead or missing; survivors and UN bodies alleged a tow. His government denied a pushback. Recording the wreck on his graph is fair because the coastguard sat under his cabinet; recording it as a proven ordered drowning is not.
Evros 2020 and later pushback reporting are the migration file. Closed controlled-access camps followed the Moria fire. A 2021 fake-news amendment sat on press freedom beside Greece’s drop in reporters’ rankings. Evia 2021 and 2023 fires, then Storm Daniel in Thessaly, are dated disaster-response failures. Later COVID waves were costlier than the first.
What improved, and how far
gov.gr put hundreds of services online. Greece 2.0 is the recovery plan von der Leyen presented with him in Athens. S&P’s BBB- upgrade on 20 October 2023 ended a decade below investment grade. Early official-loan repayment is a completed fiscal act. Same-sex marriage passed 176–76 on 15 February 2024, the first in an Orthodox-majority state, with New Democracy split and opposition votes needed. First-wave COVID lockdowns kept a thin hospital system from the Italian picture. Alexandroupolis added a gas-entry point. Taking office and the June 2023 majority are completed rotations. Temporary protection was implemented. He voted Ukraine candidate status and backed an oil embargo from the Council seat.
Those fiscal and rights files are real. They do not cancel Predator or Tempi.
Shared responsibility, and what the score does not say
Von der Leyen, Charles Michel, Hellenic Train and contractor ERGOSE, EYP officers, the coastguard, and Volodymyr Zelenskyy are not extras. Treating Mitsotakis as author of Union recovery law, or as a bystander on EYP and Tempi, would be the same error in opposite directions.
The score does not say he implanted Predator himself. It does not say every fire is arson by a minister. It does not convert a rating upgrade into a finding that press freedom is fine. Confidence is high on the crash date, the August 2022 resignations, and the S&P action, and only medium where contractors, weather, and Frontex sit between the office and a welfare indicator.
